The Building Blocks for Peace Foundation (BBFORPEACE), a Nigerian NGO dedicated to conflict prevention and peacebuilding, has successfully conducted a crucial training program for female officers of the Southwest Regional Security Network, known as Amotekun. This initiative, supported by the Development Agenda for Western Nigeria (DAWN Commission) and the Action Group on Free Civic Space (AGFCS), aims to integrate gender and human rights into community policing across the region.

Training Overview

Participants in the training came from Ekiti, Ondo, Ogun, Osun, and Oyo States, along with representatives from the Lagos Neighbourhood Safety Corps. This cross-state participation not only broadened the program’s impact but also fostered collaboration and experience-sharing among female officers throughout the Southwest.

Mr. Rafiu-Adeniran Lawal, the Executive Director of BBFORPEACE, represented by Ms. Stephanie Effevottu, the foundation’s Director of Programs, emphasized the significance of the training. He noted that it builds on a foundation laid during a similar program in 2023, which focused on Ethics and Human Rights Frameworks in Community Policing. “This training on mainstreaming gender and human rights in community policing is important and critical,” he stated.

Importance of Gender and Human Rights in Security

Barrister Titilayo Asabia from the DAWN Commission highlighted the need for security measures that address the diverse experiences of various demographic groups. “Amotekun was created by the governors of the six Southwest States to safeguard lives and property, focusing on partnerships between security agencies and the communities they serve. The experiences of women, men, marginalized groups, and young people differ, and security measures must reflect these differences,” she emphasized.

Mr. Testimony Omole of the AGFCS underscored the role of their Security Playbook research in shaping the training program. He encouraged participants to enhance their capacities and share their knowledge with those unable to attend, reinforcing the collaborative spirit of the initiative.

Key Training Sessions

The program featured comprehensive sessions covering topics such as:

• The role of women in conflict resolution
• Mainstreaming gender in community policing
• Legal frameworks for human rights protection

Participants reported that the training significantly improved their understanding of gender mainstreaming and the application of human rights principles in their work. This marks a substantial step toward enhancing peace and security in Nigeria’s Southwest region.

By equipping female officers with essential knowledge and skills, BBFORPEACE and its partners are laying the groundwork for a more inclusive approach to community policing. This initiative not only empowers women in security roles but also contributes to a more peaceful and secure environment in the Southwest, reflecting the diverse needs and experiences of all community members.

You spoke to the Daily Trust on Saturday, October 19, 2024. The rare interview, conducted by Andrew Agbese and Isiaka Wakili, marked your 90th birthday anniversary.

In it, you celebrated revisionism and claimed things that were not backed by evidence. This open letter is to point out and correct your horrendous amputations of contemporary Nigerian history. It is a necessary exercise because, as your Christian faith commands and as your fellow Christians profess, “You will know the truth, and the truth will set you free.” John 8:32.

Your interviewers asked this question: “You are committed to Nigeria’s unity; how did you take it when the civil war broke out?” You gave a long-winded answer that portrayed you as an all-time champion of national unity. But, if you remember that as Head of State, you said in your maiden nationwide broadcast on Monday, August 1, 1966, that there was no basis for Nigerian unity, your self-description as a permanent apostle of national unity stands out as perverse. This is another claim of yours: “My duty and profession at that time demanded to make sure that we kept the country together. And that was how it happened.”

Sir, with the most profound respect, that was not exactly how it happened. In that historic broadcast of yours, you were going to declare a Republic of Northern Nigeria. In it, you said inter alia: “As a result of the recent events and of previous ones, I have come to strongly believe that we cannot continue in this wise, as the basis for trust and confidence in our unitary system of government has been unable to stand the test of time. I have already remarked on the issue in question. Suffice it to say that putting all considerations to the test, political, economic as well as social, the basis of unity is not there…”

Because you had discounted the basis of national unity, your declaration of the Republic of Northern Nigeria was to follow as a matter of course. But America and Britain stayed your hand. Various manufactured and deodorised versions of your broadcast have for decades been flying all over the place. But they cannot obscure the adamantine truth. The BBC transcript of your broadcast is reproduced in A. H. M. Kirk-Greene’s Crisis and Conflict in Nigeria: A Documentary Sourcebook 1966-1970, Oxford University Press, London; 1971. For a tiny fee, anyone can pick up a voice recording of the broadcast from the BBC Monitoring Service. Similarly, the denials of your intention to declare secession are in vain. Suzanne Cronje, the South African socialist writer, and historian had quoted Professor Eni Njoku, a former Vice Chancellor of the University of Lagos, and Sir Louis Mbanefo, a former member of the Nigerian Bench and the World Court at The Hague, as telling her what they had heard from Sir Francis Cumming-Bruce, the British High Commissioner in Lagos, to wit that he had dissuaded you from sundering Nigeria. (See Suzanne Cronje, The World and Nigeria: The Diplomatic History of the Biafran War, 1957-1970, Sidgwick & Jackson, London, 1972; page17.

People may discount Professor Cronje’s testimony as speculative. But they cannot do the same to the minutes of the meetings of the British Parliament. The minutes of the meeting of August 2, 1966, were released by the British Government after the mandatory 30-year period of moratorium. It confirmed your secessionist predilection: “The Commonwealth Secretary (The Right Honourable Arthur Bottomley, MP) said that there had been a further mutiny in Nigeria and that Major General Aguiyi-Ironsi, the Head of State, had been kidnapped and possibly killed. A L-Col Yakubu Gowon, who was Hausa from the Northern Region, had assumed charge of the Government with the support of the Supreme Council. He had been strongly advised by our own High Commissioner and the United States Ambassador against promoting the secession of the North from the Federation.” (See the document marked CAB/128/41 at the British Public Record Office – now known as the National Archives UK – at Kew Gardens in London.)

Given the above paragraph, commentators on your fabulous Daily Trust interview could ask you to tell your story to the Marines. The secessionist bug hit you nearly a year before it coasted to General Ojukwu. You were going to create a Northern Nigeria Republic because the January 15, 1966 coup had cost seven northern lives. But for Ojukwu, who, following your countercoup of July 1966 – the bloodiest putsch in African history – lost 38 Igbo officers and 128 other ranks, not to mention the 50,000 of his kinsmen and women massacred in the pogroms that took place across much of the country between May and October 1966, the S-word had to remain anathema.

But to continue with the redressing of your bastardisation of Nigeria’s history. A plethora of falsehoods surfaced in the wake of the January 1966 action, all of which adorned you with the garland of the gallant officer and gentleman who put down the mutiny. The lies burnt through the pages of countless newspapers, and magazines, and were further perpetrated in book forms by Professor J. Isawa Elaigwu in Gowon: The Biography of a Soldier-Statesman, West Books Publisher Limited, Ibadan; 1986, and John D. Clarke in Yakubu Gowon: Faith In A United Nigeria, Frank Cass, London; 1987. Strangely enough, you are still happily stuck in this fictional quagmire – 58 years after the event.

This is what you told the Daily Trust: “When I met him (Captain Martin Adamu) and asked what the commotion was about, he said General Aguiyi Ironsi, who was the General Officer Commanding (GOC), came and told them that there was some crisis in town affecting the prime minister, Tafawa Balewa and Okotie Eboh, the finance minister and he had come to seek some assistance to see if he could deal with the problem. My first reaction was: Why Ironsi? Why not the brigadier because the chain of command should have come through him? Ironsi should have told the brigadier, who would have related to the battalion commander. However, I asked where he was and he said he was at the master parade area. So I had to change into civil clothes to see what was happening. When we got there, he briefed me, saying that he wanted some units to be prepared so that they could go and deal with the situation. When he finished, he asked if there were questions. I did not know that by that time, all the senior officers from my school – Maimalari, Kur Mohammed, Lt Col Abogo Largema, Yakubu Pam – had been killed. One of my good friends, Arthur Unegbe, from Ozobulu was also killed and I didn’t know. I went and I got the Quarter Master to get me some military uniforms, boots, hat etc and I went into town. Luckily enough, we were able to deal with the coup in Lagos.”

count, Sir, it is obvious that you hadn’t crushed the coup because the order to crush it was given by General Aguiyi-Ironsi. And he never gave any orders to you because you had no command at the time in point. It did not strike you as reasonable to give credit to two courageous officers who, with Ironsi, had been at the cutting edge of the operation. I refer to Lieutenant Colonel Hilary Njoku and Captain Hans Anagho.

This is Colonel Njoku: “Having got the battalion in motion, I turned to the General Officer Commanding to spell out the task he had for us. The General Officer Commanding is not normally the person to give orders directly to a battalion. It should come through the proper channel, i.e. via Brigade Headquarters. In that emergency situation, the General Officer Commanding was acting in order. …The General Officer Commanding asked for paper and pen. These, I provided. He wrote down the key points (KPs) and very important personalities (VIPs) to which troops were to be sent for protection. These included the Nigerian Broadcasting Corporation (NBC), the Parliament House, Post and Telecommunications (P&T), the Prime Minister, the Inspector General (IG), the Brigade Commander – No 11 Thompson Avenue, etc. In addition, he listed some of the officers he wanted apprehended. These included Major Ifeajuna, Captain Oji and Lieutenant Nwokocha…My Order Group (‘O Gp’) was ready in my room. I had moved apart to prepare my orders leaving him and Jack behind, although all of us were still in my office. As soon as I was ready, I moved to my conference room. They both followed me. The adjutant called all to attention. I stood them at ease and went straight into my orders. At the end, the General Officer Commanding said nothing but Jack said a few words emphasising what I had already told the officers. “B” Company under the command of Captain Hans Anagho, the Cameroonian, was ordered to move to the Parliament building, Nigerian Broadcasting Corporation (NBC) and Police Headquarters. Jack (Gowon) decided to accompany them… (See Hilary M. Njoku, A Tragedy Without Heroes: The Nigeria-Biafra War. Fourth Dimension Publishers, Enugu, 1987, page 19.

While writing Ironsi’s biography, I had traced Colonel Anagho and asked his reaction to the story that you had led the troops that suppressed the January 15 action. His response: “Gowon knows very well that it was my company, “D” Company, 2nd Battalion, Nigerian Army which occupied Lagos from Ikeja, as spearhead of the loyal troops. Records show and history will tell that I was the commander of that Company. (See Chuks Iloegbunam, Ironsi: Nigeria, The Army, Power And Politics, Eminent Biographies, Awka, 2019. Page 5. Colonel Anagho, for years a traditional ruler in Cameroon, is only a phone call away.

So much for your mythic coup crushing!

You waxed lyrical on your regime’s adherence to the protocols of the 1949 Geneva Conventions during the civil war: “The soldiers were given what we called a list of dos and don’ts like all the Geneva Convention instructions in any international conflict. There were about 12 conditions, such as not permitted to fight against old people, women, children etc. It was only against those who took up arms against you; that’s all.”

As someone in Biafra during the hostilities, I am not persuaded that your forces knew a thing about the Conventions you covet. What you prosecuted was a genocidal war. One may refrain from talking about the millions, mostly children, that perished from starvation and kwashiorkor because of your blockade of Biafra. After all, your junta made it clear from the onset that “starvation is a legitimate instrument of warfare.” One may also not talk about Asaba of October 7, 1967, where your soldiers massacred a thousand indigenes of the town. After all, Major General I. B. M. Haruna insists to this day that the Asaba genocide never happened.

We may just casually glimpse at the glorious, Geneva Conventions-coated work of your Air Force: On September 6, 1968, your Air Force bombed a hospital in Ihiala, killing 30 patients and seriously wounding 60 others, according to the New York Times. It bombed Otuocha, Aguleri on September 18, 1968, killing 510 and wounding over 1000 (Associated Press). On September 2, 1968, it bombed the Our Lady of Lourdes Hospital, Ihiala, killing 75 and wounding 270 others (New York Times). On October 13, 1968, it bombed the Uzuakoli Leper Colony, killing 21 and wounding 50. (Associated Press). On December 13, 1968, it bombed Umuahia, killing 27 and wounding 100. (Reuters). The next day, December 14, 1968, it bombed Umuahia again, killing 20 and wounding 187. (Reuters). On December 21, 1968, it bombed Umuahia yet again, killing 43 and wounding (Agence France-Press). On February 7, 1969, it bombed and strafed Umuohiagu market, killing 200. (Associated Press). On February 26, 1969, it bombed Ozu-abam killing 120, (New York Times). On the following day, the death toll jumped to 250. On March 11, 1969, it bombed Umuahia, killing 35. (Associated Press). On September 10, 1969, it bombed Ojoto, killing 16. (New York Times).

These are just eleven examples of your Air Force’s atrocities in Biafra. Overall, the bombing and strafing of innocent Biafran civilians numbered in the hundreds because it was a daily occurrence, for which the gloating members of your War Council and your fighter-pilots that included Egyptian soldiers of fortune nicknamed Biafra as a Free Bombing Site. Of course, governments, humanitarian agencies, and civil rights voices systematically damned your dreadful repudiation of the Geneva Conventions. To give two instances: On March 7, 1969, the United States expressed “deep concern” over reports of the massacre of Biafran civilians by the Nigerian Air Force. Robert J. McCloskey, the State Department spokesman, said that “Elbert Matthews, United States Ambassador in Lagos, had been instructed to bring to the attention of Nigeria’s Federal Military Government reports of bombing of hospitals, markets and clinics by Nigerian aircraft.” (New York Times). On March 24, 1969, Dr. Jacques Freymond, the acting president of the International Committee of the Red Cross protested “to the Nigerian Government over the bombing of civilians in Biafra.” (New York Times.)

Dear General Yakubu Cinwa Gowon! Your claim to have waged the Biafran by the protocols of the Geneva Conventions is bunkum.

Your Daily Trust interviewers put this question to you: “If given another opportunity, what would you have done differently?” Your response: ”I don’t think I would have done anything differently.” You have no regrets on your nine-year leadership of Nigeria. This astonishing disposition points to your appropriation of a personal sense of infallibility. But many other world leaders have been quick to acknowledge their mistakes. President Barrack Obama regretted what he called the greatest mistake of his presidency, which was his ousting of Libyan leader Muammar Gaddafi without a plan for managing the vacuum that ensued. Former British Prime Minister Tony Blair accepted “full responsibility without exception or excuse” for the dire consequences of the Iraqi war into which he pushed his country. For that, he expressed “sorrow, regret and apology.”

I have the presence of mind to acknowledge that American and British examples of remorse may be too distant for your comfort. I will, therefore, lead us back to West Africa, precisely to Accra, Ghana where during June 1979, Flight Lieutenant Jerry Rawlings’ Armed Forces Revolutionary Council (AFRC) court-martialed and executed three former military Heads of State – Kutu Acheampong, Akwasi Afrifa and Fred Akuffo, as well as Generals Kwaku Atuka and Robert Kotie, Rear Admiral Joy Amedume, Air Vice Marshal George Boakye, and Colonel Roger Felli. Rawlings and his cohorts defended the purge as anti-corruption. The rabble cheered vociferously. Time, the healer of all wounds and the wounder of all heels, passed. Then it dawned on Rawlings that a grievous injustice had been perpetrated under his watch. The process that led to the executions was flawed. In contrition, Rawlings, with the national media in tow, went from church to church disavowing the bloodletting and pleading for forgiveness. But you, General Gowon, regret nothing…

Well, there is a short story to introduce at this juncture. Lieutenant General Theophilus Danjuma told the story of the kidnap and assassination of General Aguiyi-Ironsi on July 29, 1966. He told you by telephone that he and his troops had stormed the Governor’s Lodge in Ibadan and were poised to arrest General Aguiyi-Ironsi. You asked: “Can you do it?” Danjuma replied: “We’ve got the house surrounded and sealed off Sir. We can do it.” Following this response, you sanctioned the move. General Danjuma is still alive. (See Lindsay Barret: Danjuma: The Making of a General, Fourth Dimension Publishers, Enugu, 1980, pp 52-53.) At the time you told the leader of a mutinous horde that it was splendid to seize Aguiyi-Ironsi, you were holding down the exalted office of Army Chief of Staff at the General’s pleasure. Is there a chance that your betrayal of your Supreme Commander is one of those decisions of your past for which you have no regrets?

Leaving the upheavals and treacheries of the second half of the 1960s severely alone for the time being, let’s examine two of your other fatuous claims. You told your interviewers that you established “petrochemicals in Enugu” and “Volkswagen in Enugu”. No, Sir, you most certainly did not. Unless there are two Enugus, and your reference was to an Enugu that is unknown to humankind. As a matter of fact, you never established a single thing in the former East Central State which is now the South East geopolitical zone. Rather, what your junta “established” was the relocation of the steel mill penciled for Onitsha to Ajaokuta, a project that has guzzled billions of dollars without producing a single sheet of steel to this day.

It is laughable that you alluded to the “success” of your post-war policy of three Rs: Reconciliation, Rehabilitation, and Reintegration. This is even though, irrespective of whatever a Biafran had in any Nigerian bank before the civil war, your government paid him a miserly £20. In the name of Abandoned Properties, you presided over the seizure of thousands of Igbo-owned houses in Port Harcourt. Yet, when your trusted lieutenants tossed you from office in 1975, it was an Igbo man that provided a London mansion in which you, your wife and children lived coyly for many years! Your Three Rs amounted to no more than meaningless sloganeering.

In a significant announcement during a media briefing on the eve of the 37th anniversary of Akwa Ibom State’s creation, Governor Umo Eno confirmed that his cabinet and various boards are “due for dissolution.” This decision comes just 16 months into his administration, yet it has not taken many by surprise within the state.

Background of the Cabinet Composition

Upon taking office, Governor Eno retained the entire cabinet of his predecessor, Emmanuel Udom, which included all commissioners and several senior aides from the previous administration. This move led to speculation and allegations that Udom’s appointees were imposed on Eno. In response to this criticism, the governor defended his decision by stating, “By my training and upbringing, people don’t go to war with you and win the war and you push them aside. It is not a good thing to do…because you will need them again for another battle and people won’t trust you.”

Pressures for Change

However, mounting pressure from stakeholders to appoint a new cabinet eventually influenced Eno’s decision. His earlier comments had hinted at frustration with the inherited cabinet, and he previously stated that his focus was on ensuring that his current team aligned with his ARISE Agenda rather than replacing them outright.

In June, Eno did take a decisive action by dismissing his Commissioner for Special Duties, Dr. Bassey Okon, signaling that changes were indeed on the horizon.

Implications of the Announcement

The impending dissolution of the cabinet raises questions about Eno’s next steps and his strategy for reshaping the administration to better reflect his vision and priorities. As the anniversary approaches, the political landscape in Akwa Ibom may be set for a substantial transformation, reflecting the governor’s desire to move away from the influence of the previous administration. The upcoming weeks will likely reveal further details on Eno’s plans and the direction in which he intends to steer the state.

In a significant escalation of tensions in the Middle East, the Iranian military reported that Israel launched attacks on military facilities across Iran on Saturday morning, leading to what officials described as “limited damage” in certain regions. The strikes reportedly targeted military centers in the provinces of Tehran, Khuzestan, and Ilam.

Iranian Response

Iran’s state news agency, IRNA, indicated that the attacks were met with an effective response, stating that the country’s integrated air defense system successfully intercepted and countered the assaults. Following the strikes, Iranian officials confirmed that air defenses had been deployed in various locations around Tehran and throughout the country to safeguard against further incursions.

Israeli Perspective

In contrast, the Israel Defense Forces (IDF) acknowledged the strikes, framing them as a retaliatory measure against Iran’s ongoing military activities directed at Israel. A statement from the IDF cited that these actions were a response to what they described as Iran “relentlessly attacking” Israel across multiple fronts since October 7th, including direct assaults from Iranian territory.

Context of the Conflict

This latest round of military action underscores the heightened hostilities between Iran and Israel, reflecting ongoing regional tensions and conflicts that have persisted for years. The situation remains fluid, with both sides on high alert for further developments.

As the international community watches closely, the ramifications of these military engagements could have broader implications for regional stability and security.

The Commonwealth of Nations has appointed Ghana’s foreign minister, Shirley Ayorkor Botchwey, as its new Secretary General, concluding a contentious summit in Samoa on Saturday. The Commonwealth, a voluntary association primarily comprising former British colonies, is led by King Charles III, but the Secretary General oversees the organization’s London-based secretariat.

Botchwey emerged victorious among three candidates who advocated for addressing the legacy of colonialism and slavery. She has been Ghana’s foreign minister for the past seven years and played a significant role in the country’s two-year tenure on the UN Security Council, which concludes in December 2023. She has previously expressed her commitment to drafting a free trade agreement among Commonwealth nations and has been vocal about supporting reparations for the historical injustices of slavery.

“Financial reparations is good,” she stated at an event in London earlier this year, underscoring her dedication to this cause.

The role of the Commonwealth Secretary General allows for a maximum of two four-year terms, and Botchwey will succeed Dominican Baroness Patricia Scotland. The position traditionally rotates among the four geographical blocs of the Commonwealth: the Pacific, Asia, Europe, and Africa, with Africa currently holding the turn.

Following her appointment, Botchwey expressed her gratitude on social media, stating she was “truly humbled by the overwhelming support of the Commonwealth Heads of Government.” She acknowledged the work that lies ahead in promoting democratic governance, trade cooperation, education, climate advocacy, and financial transparency.

The summit in Samoa, originally intended to focus on climate change, became embroiled in discussions about reparations for slavery. Many African, Caribbean, and Pacific nations are pushing for Britain and other European powers to offer financial compensation or at least engage in discussions about reparatory justice. This issue remains a sensitive topic, as the UK government has been cautious in addressing it.

Prime Minister of The Bahamas, Philip Davis, highlighted the importance of confronting historical injustices, stating, “The time has come to have a real dialogue about how we address these historical wrongs.” He emphasized the deep, generational wounds slavery has left in communities and the ongoing fight for justice.

Despite the pressure, King Charles III refrained from issuing an apology during the summit, instead encouraging delegates to “reject the language of division.” He acknowledged the lasting impact of the Commonwealth’s painful history, stating, “I understand, from listening to people across the Commonwealth, how the most painful aspects of our past continue to resonate.”

Botchwey’s appointment marks a significant moment for the Commonwealth as it navigates the complexities of its historical legacy and the path toward a more equitable future.

The United States has described Israeli strikes on military targets in Iran as “an exercise of self-defense,” following a ballistic missile attack by Tehran earlier this month. White House National Security Council spokesman Sean Savett stated that these “targeted strikes on military targets” were a direct response to Iran’s aggression against Israel, specifically referencing the missile attack that occurred on October 1.

A US defense official, speaking on the condition of anonymity, clarified that while the United States was informed of the strikes beforehand, there was no American involvement in the operations. However, details regarding how far in advance the US was notified or the specifics of the information shared by Israel were not disclosed.

In light of the situation, White House officials confirmed that President Joe Biden and Vice President Kamala Harris had been briefed on the strikes and would continue to receive regular updates from their national security teams as the situation evolves.

The recent two-day sit-at-home order in Nigeria’s South East, which took place on October 21 and 22, has left a deep impact on the region’s daily life, leading to extensive economic and social shutdowns despite the Indigenous People of Biafra (IPOB) disowning the order. Circulating videos warned people to stay indoors for safety, showing images of armored vehicles and weapons purportedly for a Biafran launch event. Though authorities attempted to reassure the public, most residents complied with the call, resulting in closures of schools, markets, government offices, and banks across Anambra, Imo, Abia, Enugu, and Ebonyi states. This massive response reflects growing fear and distrust among residents, with many feeling compelled to obey anonymous social media threats in the absence of strong security assurances.

Chief Olisa Nwakalor, a retired police officer, and Goodluck Ibem, President General of the Coalition of South East Youth Leaders, expressed concern over the region’s vulnerabilities. They underscored the harm these frequent, unverified orders inflict on the economy and the psychological toll they impose on residents. Many argue that the prolonged detention of IPOB leader Mazi Nnamdi Kanu has exacerbated the unrest, with Nwakalor and Ibem calling for his release to ease tensions.

The situation reflects complex issues around governance, security, and identity within the South East. It also highlights the lack of effective response from security forces, which, according to some reports, have failed to ensure safety at checkpoints, often extorting rather than protecting commuters. Many believe that sustained regional stability will only be achievable if authorities address these security gaps and re-establish trust in the rule of law.